The History of Mystras: Eight Churches and a Castle
The Upper town with Agia Sophia and the castle. (Wiki Commons)
Mystras, a World
Heritage Site since 1989, is a ghost town.
It boasted well over twenty churches and countless houses in its heyday
and now the churches deemed most important or at least salvageable have been
restored in an effort to breathe life back into this last gasp of Byzantium.
Built out of
necessity in a provincial backwater after 1262, its real potential as a
repository of Byzantine hopes and culture did not become immediately apparent.
It was only in 1308 that a governor elected yearly was replaced by a governor
for life, and it was not until 1348 that it became a Despotat – an appanage
- created by the emperor in Constantinople as a private fief to be ruled by
members of his own family.
By 1400 or so
Mystras had become important. Its fortunes rose as Constantinople’s fell; its boundaries
grew as the empire’s shrank, and it was here that intellectuals, courtiers and
theologians abandoned the capital and coalesced partly because it was safer but
also in a last attempt to gather up the physical and intellectual forces to salvage a way of life that had once
seemed ordained by Heaven.
By 1460, the idyll of Byzantine Mystras, if
idyll it was, ended abruptly as the Turks took over: it had lasted a mere two hundred years.
The Background
Mystras’
story really began in 1204 and, if you do not understand the
significance of that date, you really cannot understand anything that happened
after. In 1204, thanks to the plotting of a Venetian Doge with a grudge, the
Fourth Crusade got diverted from its Jerusalem destination and hordes of Franks
(or ‘Latins’, the terms are interchangeable) from the west flooded into
Constantinople, looted it for days, mocked the great church of Hagia Sophia by
putting a prostitute on the bishop’s throne as they stole its treasure, and
established a Latin Empire in Byzantine lands including what is modern day
Greece. The Byzantine court was forced to flee to Nicaea across the Bosphorus
and watch helplessly as these parvenus first got the approval of the pope in
Rome, established their own Duchies and principalities, put in Roman Catholic
bishops, and switched the liturgies in Greek churches to the Latin rite.
It wasn’t a very successful empire but it lasted
almost 60 years in the capital. Ironically the most successful principality was
the Principality of Achaia which comprised the entire Peloponnese, and the Duchy
of Athens. These would last long after the Byzantines managed by an alliance
with Genoa, a rival of Venice, to wrest the capital back in 1261. By then the
empire was in tatters. Greeks have never
forgiven this betrayal by allies. 1204 changed everything.
Meanwhile at Mystras…
If the Peloponnese were a stage, then hiding behind
the curtains and peeking out for any opportunity to enter stage right were the Venetians, the villains of the piece.
Their reward for 1204 along with trading concessions and loot were the two
ports of Methoni and Koroni in the south Peloponnese. They took them in 1206
and got the rubber stamp of approval in 1209 by treaty with the Principality of
Achaia. So important to Venetian sea trade were these two ports that they
called them the eyes of the Republic.
From
these two outposts, Venice was ever looking for an opportunity to gain even more.
Stage left were remnants of the Byzantine forces in
Monemvasia, an important port that they managed to hold on to until 1249 when
William de Villehardouin, the Prince of Achaia, left his secure palace at
Chelmoutsi in Elis and drove them temporarily off the stage while he took over
the castle at Monemvasia, and built two more – one in the present day Mani (no one is sure which one that is today), and
the ‘all business’ one you see today on the 630 metre promontory of
the steep hill then called Mizithra just 6 kilometers west of Ancient Sparta.
It was intended to keep all of Laconia, or Lacadaemonia as it was then known,
firmly in the Latin sphere.
The Castle
( from: www.kastra.eu)
This might have been curtains for a Byzantine
Peloponnese were it not for a series of Byzantine successes elsewhere, - and a bizarre feudal incident. The Byzantine emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos’ immediate aim after recapturing
Constantinople in 1261 was to get all the lost lands back. It turned out that the first foothold in the
Peloponnese was a doodle because of French feudal law!
Williams’ castle may have been impregnable, but he was
not. In the Battle of Pelagonia (in present day FYROM) in
1259, the same battle that gave the Byzantines victory over the Latins and led
to the recapture of Constantinople, William de Villehardoiun was captured and
held for several years until a ransom could be arranged. Now, according to
French feudal law, in the absence of husbands, wives got the vote. Villehardouins’ wife, against the advice of
her courtiers, decided she wanted her husband back. The price was three
castles: Monemvasia, the mystery one in the Mani, and Mystras.
So by 1262 a wife’s loyalty had gained the Byzantines
a small but important wedge of the Peloponnesian pie – a triangle pointing straight
at the principality’s capital in Elis and with Mystras its northernmost point,
Monemvasia, the all important seaport and lifeline, at its eastern point and that elusive castle in the Mani peninsula
to the west.
The value of this ready-made castle at Mystras does
not have to be laboured. Immediately after its capture, the citizens of Lacadaemonia
who had hitherto lived unprotected in the valley around the low Acropolis of ancient Sparta, began to move up the
hill under the protection of the castle garrison. They took their churches with them. I mean this literally. Mystras
churches are full of odds and sods from valley churches, spolia, if you will. There was not much point in leaving anything
of value behind in these troubled times with enemies and looters everywhere –
and not just the Venetians and Franks:
Many Slavic tribes who had immigrated to the Peloponnese earlier had
felt disenfranchised by the depredation of the Byzantine tax collectors and
formed hostile enclaves in the mountains around Mystras. And internal unrest was no stranger to the
Byzantine way of life either. The so called archons – big land owners were
always a threat when unhappy. These were troubled times with a capital T. If a
local leader had the nous and a loyal
army, relative peace might prevail because he could cajole, coerce, or out-manoeuvre
his opposition. Shifting alliances were a fact of life in this era and
citizens and their leaders had learned to cope with them and get on with their
lives. Venice, that expert in shifting alliances, had by 1265 signed a new treaty,
this time with the ascendant Byzantines,
to keep Koroni and Methoni!
The town of Mystras slowly took form during the relatively peaceful years of 1262 to
1300. It was brand new and that was important psychologically. This tabula rasa of a hill came to mean a new start as time passed– at least to
its more philosophical inhabitants. Here
was the possibility of creating a miniature of the now diminished capital on
the Bosphorus. The Peloponnese, as time
passed, would begin to seem like a defensible fortress from which Byzantium
might be reborn or at least preserved from its many enemies.
But Mystras’
mystique and potential were not the focus in the 1260s. Building an Episcopal
church for the new town was. In 1264 the
Metropolis was built – a simple three-aisled basilica whose style and
decoration were typical of bishops’ cathedrals in Greece at the time.
The apse of the Metropolis as it appeared in 1264
Monks
moved up the hill too and it wasn’t long before Agioi Theodorioi was built sometime between 1290 and 1295 almost next
door to the Metropolis. It too was a typical church of its era in Greece both
in design – a domed octagon- and decoration. It belonged to the Vrondochion
monastery, an institution whose origins are mysterious but one that would grow
along with the city.
Agioi Theodorioi
At this time, Monemvasia would have been considered
the more important center but Mystras’ geographical position and defensibility
was slowly turning it into a powerhouse as the city became more populated and
defensive walls were begun.
By 1308
Mystras’ governor was appointed for life and it is no surprise that he
belonged to the extended family of the Palaiologoi, the dynamic dynasty that
would produce all of the emperors from 1259 to the end. All subsequent Byzantine emperors took a
personal interest in Mystras and there were a lot of comings and goings between
Mystras and Constantinople. It was in
this period of growth and optimism that the abbot of the Brondochian Monastery
built the Hodegetria – a truly
impressive church which echoed the capital city in many ways and put Mystras
firmly on the architectural and cultural map of the empire for the first time.
The Hodegetria
In 1318 the Byzantines got some castles in Arcadia
back but were losing ground elsewhere in the empire. This just made Mystras
more important.
In 1348 Mystras’ success and relative defensibility
caused the emperor to take a further step and name Mystras a Despotat (1)– a personal appanage – of the royal family, feudal in nature, grand
in style, and ruled by despots who were either sons or grandsons of the
emperors. Thus Mystras stayed in the royal family and was of prime importance
to the emperors from that date on.
This was the period when the palace was first expanded
and two new churches were built: elegant
Agia Sophia apparently was first
built as the palace chapel and then later converted into a monastery, and the Peribleptos, the Katholikon of a new
small monastery in the south- east corner of town. They were different in style
but both apparently under the aegis of Manuel Kantakouzenos Palaiologos – an
able Despot who ruled until his death in 1380.
Agia Sophia Peribleptos
Why so many
monasteries? Well piety I suppose but there were tax reasons
too. Usually monasteries were granted lands, labourers, and mills by
Constantinople or the Patriarchate so they were self sufficient economically
and usually had special tax arrangements that eliminated their need to pay
local taxes at all. Add to that the fact both the government and invaders often
(not always) respected a monastery’s property more than private holdings, so investing
one’s wealth in a monastery made good economic sense. And then there was the
tendency of Byzantine leaders to prepare for the next world by a short sojourn
in their favoured monastery (absolutely necessary in some cases!) before
Judgment Day arrived. And they liked to be buried in ‘their’ monasteries too. So,
in this God saturated era, funding a monastery was respected by the population
and did much to boost the donor’s prestige.
In 1385 the Turks raided the Peloponnese in earnest
for the first time. It was more to flex their muscles and loot than anything
and also to remind the Despot that nominally
he was a vassal of the Ottoman Sultan.
These vassalages were a fact of the
politics of the time. If you lost a battle, you swore allegiance to the
winner and paid tribute – until you
won and could exact the same terms in reverse from the conquered enemy. At
times, the ‘enemies’ were on fairly good terms with one another. Although some Greek historians tend to
downplay both these seesaw allegiances and the permeable blood boundaries
between Franks and Byzantines in this era, they were a fact and the latter goes
a long way to explaining the fusion of Byzantine and western styles that became
the norm in Mystras. The truth is that the concept of “pure” Greek never really
did apply to the Byzantine Empire as a whole let alone in the Peloponnese at
this particular time. The word Greek was not in contemporary use, nor
was the word “Byzantine”.
Mystras had a substantially mixed population, even a
Jewish quarter, and although the mixing between west and east may have been ‘elite
heavy’, there were enough mixed Frankish-Byzantine offspring around for them
the acquire a name: gasmoules. Almost
all of the Palaiologan despots and emperors had Frankish wives. That fact may have
been what made it easier for the elite to contemplate a union of the Byzantine
and Latin churches when the time came in 1438. It was an idea that would have
made more practical sense to an already mixed nobility than it ever would to the average
citizens who still equated their ‘Roman’ identity with the Greek language and
Orthodoxy.
By 1400, there
had been two Turkish raids, one in 1395 and one in 1397. In the last one,
thousands of slaves were taken from Argos and considerable damage incurred. But
there were too many castles for the Sultan to try a takeover - too costly - and
these raids were starting to become as acceptable as a regular visit by a
plague virus: frightening, but
temporary. The Emperor was less sanguine. By this time he was seriously looking to Europe
for help which never came and the Franks and Greeks and Venetians were forgetting
their differences temporarily to join forces against the Ottomans.
At this critical point, Mongol raids on his eastern flank
distracted
The 1400s
What was living there like in the first thirty years
of the 1400s? Nicolas Cheetham in Mediaeval Greece attempts to
explain: it was still desirable with a
trade in metals, silks and cotton, and pretty well populated even if most of
the population preferred to live near a handy mountain retreat. In the period between 1400 and 1430 which may
have been the apogee of Mystras two new churches were built, one elegant but rather
plain and apparently not belonging to a monastic house: the Evangelistria:
and yet another Katholikon for yet another monastery–
this one called the Pantanassa, a church so grand and displaying such a fusion of
east and west features that it is hard not
to see it as symbolic of what Mystras had culturally become.
www.e-glyko.gr
Mystras pulsed with thinkers and courtiers at this
time as the emperors visited more and more often. Although we
know it as the twilight of the empire, they
still seemed to believe that it had vitality and recuperative powers left. But
even the most optimistic knew that Byzantium
needed a new Myth. The idea of the emperor as God’s vicar on earth and ruler
over the entire known world might be an idea that nobles paid lip service too,
but they also knew it was ridiculous. Circumstance
and maybe just the proximity of the heartland of ancient Greece offered a
solution a return to the cradle from which it was born: Hellas and all it stood for.
This was indeed an about face. When the emperor
Theodosios banned paganism and made Christianity the law of the land in the
late 390s and early 400s, Hellenism
was a despised name – akin to ‘pagan’ and ‘heresy’. Ancient Greek writers may eventually have been
enjoyed by the elite, but they were not for general consumption. It is ironic
that the Byzantine Empire – so well known in the west as Greek – was not
philhellenic at all for almost a thousand years.
Only when their
own myth was shattered, their holdings so shrunken that the Peloponnese was one
of the larger bits, did Georgios Gemistos
an advisor to the royal court who had became a resident at Mystras about this
time, become the epicenter of a revival of an interest in Plato and the possibility
of a new and smaller empire. It would be Hellenic in tone and led by a Christian
emperor - along the lines of the state envisioned by Plato in his Republic. This new city state was
perfect for Mystras, or so he believed. The synopsis of his Book of Laws, all that has come down to
us, make his new Utopia seem like a cross between National Socialism and the
ancient Spartan Constitution to me. Not too inviting today, but it did
give the peasants (whom he actually called helots)
some land rights. It was nationalistic in tone, and, interestingly, would give
no rights at all to monasteries. He considered monks ‘a swarm of drones’. Maybe Mystras did have too many monasteries in the 1400s…. His fascinating theories
and tendency to call God Zeus are
well beyond the scope of this small history; suffice it to say that he was
close to the last Despots and his vision of a smaller more viable ‘Hellenic ’ state gave them hope.
What all this
would have come to had the Turks not conquered Mystras is a moot point. That Gemistos,
or Plethon, as he is known in the west became a hero of the Renaissance and of
historians recording the story of Mystras, is not. He died in 1452, a year before Constantinople
fell. Mystras followed in 1460 proving that it was more defensible than Constantinople, but not defensible
enough. Ironically the end came just
after the forces of the despot had pretty much eliminated the Franks from the
Peloponnese.
It makes you think…
It makes you think…
Mystras After 1460
Agios Nikolaos (Wiki Commons)
An Albanian uprising in 1770 badly damaged the city and
further raids made things even worse. The remaining citizens took part in the Greek
struggle for independence when the time came and the city was destroyed in
retaliation by Ibrahim Pasha after 1825.
Mystras fell into ruins, its churches looted by
whomever (In 1863 the dome of the Aphendiko collapsed when some bright light tried
to steal the columns supporting it!). The city was officially abandoned in 1832
when King Otto rebuilt Sparta and everyone moved back down to the valley floor.
In a way, Mystras’ story had come full circle.
Mystras Today
In 1952 all
properties were expropriated by the state. It was only left for its fortress,
palaces and churches to become a World Heritage Site in 1989. The ruins are
extensive and quite beautiful. The video
below is a short thumbnail sketch of the site and shows just how lovely it is.
I wish that some of the houses had been rebuilt
instead of only the palace and churches.
Those ghosts I mentioned at the beginning are so shy. The site allows us
to see pretty clearly what Mystras
was, but, for me at least, the how it was
is still tantalizingly elusive. I once wrote that how future generations
interpreted ancient Sparta, was something of a Rorschach test – revealing more
about the onlooker than the picture presented. Maybe it is the Laconian
atmosphere, but that seems to me to be true of Mystras as well.
It titillates and fascinates as it draws you
up and down its narrow lanes, it invites endless speculation about the way
things were, but in the end it simply refuses
to give up all of its secrets.
Footnote
(1) Despotat is often spelled Despotate but Google seems to manage. This Despotat ( my choice) was called the Despotat of the Morea meaning the entire Peloponnese but it only managed to cover that area for a brief moment in time.
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